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[SC0]⇒ PDF Free Burke John Morley 9781176236783 Books

Burke John Morley 9781176236783 Books



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Download PDF Burke John Morley 9781176236783 Books

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Burke John Morley 9781176236783 Books

“This proposition is that the world would fall into ruin, "if the practice of all moral duties, and the foundations of society, rested upon having their reasons made clear and demonstrative to every individual."

The result of the trust, even worship, science, of human reason, human insight, human judgement, has confirmed Burke’s opinion. Think WW1/2, Hitlerism, Stalinism, eugenics, Freud, etc., etc..

“This was Burke's most fundamental and unswerving conviction from the first piece that he wrote down to the last, and down to the last hour of his existence.’’

Why at this time?

“What is remarkable in Burke's first performance is his discernment of the important fact, that behind the intellectual disturbances in the sphere of philosophy, and the noisier agitations in the sphere of theology, there silently stalked a force that might shake the whole fabric of civil society itself. In France, as all students of its speculative history are agreed, there came a time in the eighteenth century when theological controversy was turned into political controversy. Innovators left the question about the truth of Christianity, and busied themselves with questions about the ends and means of governments.’’

Many scholars see the change of politics into a secular theology continues today.

“Burke foresaw from the first what, if rationalism were allowed to run an unimpeded course, would be the really great business of the second halt of his century.’’

Burke was involved in four great issues.

Justice for Ireland
Freedom for America
Justice in India
Judgement of the French Revolution

On freedom of trade for the Irish . . .

“Burke not only spoke and voted in favour of the commercial propositions, but urged that the proposed removal of restrictions on Irish trade did not go nearly far enough.’’

“There was none of that too familiar casuistry, by which public men argue themselves out of their consciences in a strange syllogism, that they can best serve the country in Parliament; that to keep their seats they must follow their electors; and that therefore, in the long run, they serve the country best by acquiescing in ignorance and prejudice. Anybody can denounce an abuse. It needs valour and integrity to stand forth against a wrong to which our best friends are most ardently committed. It warms our hearts to think of the noble courage with which Burke faced the blind and vile selfishness of his own supporters.’’

‘Valour and Integrity’!

“He reminded them that England only consented to leave to the Irish in two or three instances the use of the natural faculties which God had given them. He asked them whether Ireland was united to Great Britain for no other purpose than that we should counteract the bounty of Providence in her favour; and whether, in proportion as that bounty had been liberal, we were to regard it as an evil to be met with every possible corrective?’’

Prevent Ireland from receiving ‘the bounty of Providence’? What!

“In our day there is nobody of any school who doubts that Burke's view of our trade policy towards Ireland was accurately, absolutely, and magnificently right. I need not repeat the arguments. They made no mark on the Bristol merchants. Burke boldly told them that he would rather run the risk of displeasing than of injuring them. They implored him to become their advocate. "I should only disgrace myself," he said; "I should lose the only thing which can make such abilities as mine of any use to the world now or hereafter. I mean that authority which is derived from the opinion that a member speaks the language of truth and sincerity.’

Morley writes (1888) ‘Burke’s free trade policy was absolutely right’. Amazing.

Burke’s analyzes the American Revolution . . .

“The scene had changed, but the conflicting principles were the same. The war of Independence was virtually a second English civil war. The ruin of the American cause would have been also the ruin of the constitutional cause in England; and a patriotic Englishman may revere the memory of Patrick Henry and George Washington not less justly than the patriotic American. Burke's attitude in this great contest is that part of his history about the majestic and noble wisdom of which there can be least dispute.’’

This is just. . .just. . .a fascinating insight. For a famous English official to praise Patrick Henry!

CHAPTER I EARLY LIFE AND FIRST WRITINGS
CHAPTER II IN IRELAND—PARLIAMENT—BEACONSFIELD
CHAPTER III THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE
CHAPTER IV THE ROCKINGHAM PARTY—PARIS—ELECTION AT BRISTOL—THE AMERICAN WAR
CHAPTER V ECONOMICAL REFORM—BURKE IN OFFICE—FALL OF HIS PARTY
CHAPTER VI BURKE AND HIS FRIENDS
CHAPTER VII THE NEW MINISTRY—WARREN HASTINGS—BURKE'S PUBLIC POSITION
CHAPTER VIII THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
CHAPTER IX BURKE AND HIS PARTY—PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION—IRELAND—LAST YEARS
CHAPTER X BURKE'S LITERARY CHARACTER

Morley spends pages on Burke’s vitriolic attacks on the French Revolution. Praises some and condemns others. Revealing and interesting. Explains that Burke met Marie Antoinette in France. This produced an overwhelming impact. Could only see the vision of a queen, not the selfish woman. Not balanced.

Morley writes with insight, discernment, judgement and care. I enjoy his courage to offer considered opinions with clear reasons and solid foundations. However, this 1888 biography is intended for educated, erudite British readers (of that time) not Americans. Assumes familiarity with English history and famous people, along with knowledge of Greek and Roman ones. I liked the challenge of expanding my knowledge of these fascinating men, and the ideas that existed then. Such a contrast with modern thought.

Where did it go?

Reader will need ability to readjust his ear to the detailed, analytical, erudite style of the nineteenth century. Takes some effort. Some knowledge of the men - Mirabeau, Robespierre, Fox, Thomas Jefferson, Samuel Johnson, Joseph Priestley, Benjamin Franklin, Wilberforce, Pitt, etc., etc. - would help.

Covers Burke’s political career. Shows some valiant battles and some poor ones. All in all, a balanced presentation. Draws a handsome portrait, nevertheless includes warts, blemishes along with the attractive. Well done.

Nevertheless, Morley provides insights that only someone from that era offers. Few (maybe none) modern writers can present the vision that died with Morley and his world.

I am glad can see, or at least glimpse, a world that disappeared.

Product details

  • Paperback 232 pages
  • Publisher Nabu Press (July 28, 2010)
  • Language English
  • ISBN-10 1176236784

Read Burke John Morley 9781176236783 Books

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Burke John Morley 9781176236783 Books Reviews


Publication date 1879

A well-written biography of Edmund Burke, which puts his life and writings in the context of eighteenth century politics, different, but not too different from ours

"... The general result of the proceedings of the Government from the accession of George III. to the beginning of the troubles in the American colonies, was in Burke's own words, that the Government was at once dreaded and contemned; that the laws were despoiled of all their respected and salutary terrors; that their inaction was a subject of ridicule, and their exertion of abhorrence; that our dependencies had slackened in their affections; that we knew neither how to yield, nor how to enforce; and that disconnection and confusion, in offices, in parties, in families, in Parliament, in the nation, prevailed beyond the disorders of any former time."

Morley himself was inclined to construct very elaborate 'periods' in his prose, which certainly makes it old-fashioned, but never unreadable. There is also enough gossip sprinkled throughout the book (anecdotes about Johnson and Gibbons, Fanny Burney attending the impeachment of Warren Hastings, etc.). Here he has evidence that Burke's rowdy family kept him from advancing

"Burke has now got such a train after him as would sink anybody but himself—his son, who is quite nauseated by all mankind; his brother, who is liked better than his son, but is rather offensive with animal spirits and with brogue; and his cousin, Will Burke, who is just returned unexpectedly from India, as much ruined as when he went many years ago, and who is a fresh charge on any prospects of power that Burke may ever have."
It was this train, and the ideas of adventurership that clung to them, the inextinguishable stories about papistry and Saint Omer's, the tenacious calumny about the letters of Junius, the notorious circumstances of embarrassment and neediness—it was all these things which combined with Burke's own defects of temper and discretion, to give the Whig grandees as decent a reason as they could have desired for keeping all the great posts of state in their own hands.

I give it four stars because, once again, Morley makes too many apologies for the French Revolution, taking some unfair swipes at Burke- but this is at the end of a fine and informative book.
“This proposition is that the world would fall into ruin, "if the practice of all moral duties, and the foundations of society, rested upon having their reasons made clear and demonstrative to every individual."

The result of the trust, even worship, science, of human reason, human insight, human judgement, has confirmed Burke’s opinion. Think WW1/2, Hitlerism, Stalinism, eugenics, Freud, etc., etc..

“This was Burke's most fundamental and unswerving conviction from the first piece that he wrote down to the last, and down to the last hour of his existence.’’

Why at this time?

“What is remarkable in Burke's first performance is his discernment of the important fact, that behind the intellectual disturbances in the sphere of philosophy, and the noisier agitations in the sphere of theology, there silently stalked a force that might shake the whole fabric of civil society itself. In France, as all students of its speculative history are agreed, there came a time in the eighteenth century when theological controversy was turned into political controversy. Innovators left the question about the truth of Christianity, and busied themselves with questions about the ends and means of governments.’’

Many scholars see the change of politics into a secular theology continues today.

“Burke foresaw from the first what, if rationalism were allowed to run an unimpeded course, would be the really great business of the second halt of his century.’’

Burke was involved in four great issues.

Justice for Ireland
Freedom for America
Justice in India
Judgement of the French Revolution

On freedom of trade for the Irish . . .

“Burke not only spoke and voted in favour of the commercial propositions, but urged that the proposed removal of restrictions on Irish trade did not go nearly far enough.’’

“There was none of that too familiar casuistry, by which public men argue themselves out of their consciences in a strange syllogism, that they can best serve the country in Parliament; that to keep their seats they must follow their electors; and that therefore, in the long run, they serve the country best by acquiescing in ignorance and prejudice. Anybody can denounce an abuse. It needs valour and integrity to stand forth against a wrong to which our best friends are most ardently committed. It warms our hearts to think of the noble courage with which Burke faced the blind and vile selfishness of his own supporters.’’

‘Valour and Integrity’!

“He reminded them that England only consented to leave to the Irish in two or three instances the use of the natural faculties which God had given them. He asked them whether Ireland was united to Great Britain for no other purpose than that we should counteract the bounty of Providence in her favour; and whether, in proportion as that bounty had been liberal, we were to regard it as an evil to be met with every possible corrective?’’

Prevent Ireland from receiving ‘the bounty of Providence’? What!

“In our day there is nobody of any school who doubts that Burke's view of our trade policy towards Ireland was accurately, absolutely, and magnificently right. I need not repeat the arguments. They made no mark on the Bristol merchants. Burke boldly told them that he would rather run the risk of displeasing than of injuring them. They implored him to become their advocate. "I should only disgrace myself," he said; "I should lose the only thing which can make such abilities as mine of any use to the world now or hereafter. I mean that authority which is derived from the opinion that a member speaks the language of truth and sincerity.’

Morley writes (1888) ‘Burke’s free trade policy was absolutely right’. Amazing.

Burke’s analyzes the American Revolution . . .

“The scene had changed, but the conflicting principles were the same. The war of Independence was virtually a second English civil war. The ruin of the American cause would have been also the ruin of the constitutional cause in England; and a patriotic Englishman may revere the memory of Patrick Henry and George Washington not less justly than the patriotic American. Burke's attitude in this great contest is that part of his history about the majestic and noble wisdom of which there can be least dispute.’’

This is just. . .just. . .a fascinating insight. For a famous English official to praise Patrick Henry!

CHAPTER I EARLY LIFE AND FIRST WRITINGS
CHAPTER II IN IRELAND—PARLIAMENT—BEACONSFIELD
CHAPTER III THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE
CHAPTER IV THE ROCKINGHAM PARTY—PARIS—ELECTION AT BRISTOL—THE AMERICAN WAR
CHAPTER V ECONOMICAL REFORM—BURKE IN OFFICE—FALL OF HIS PARTY
CHAPTER VI BURKE AND HIS FRIENDS
CHAPTER VII THE NEW MINISTRY—WARREN HASTINGS—BURKE'S PUBLIC POSITION
CHAPTER VIII THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
CHAPTER IX BURKE AND HIS PARTY—PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION—IRELAND—LAST YEARS
CHAPTER X BURKE'S LITERARY CHARACTER

Morley spends pages on Burke’s vitriolic attacks on the French Revolution. Praises some and condemns others. Revealing and interesting. Explains that Burke met Marie Antoinette in France. This produced an overwhelming impact. Could only see the vision of a queen, not the selfish woman. Not balanced.

Morley writes with insight, discernment, judgement and care. I enjoy his courage to offer considered opinions with clear reasons and solid foundations. However, this 1888 biography is intended for educated, erudite British readers (of that time) not Americans. Assumes familiarity with English history and famous people, along with knowledge of Greek and Roman ones. I liked the challenge of expanding my knowledge of these fascinating men, and the ideas that existed then. Such a contrast with modern thought.

Where did it go?

Reader will need ability to readjust his ear to the detailed, analytical, erudite style of the nineteenth century. Takes some effort. Some knowledge of the men - Mirabeau, Robespierre, Fox, Thomas Jefferson, Samuel Johnson, Joseph Priestley, Benjamin Franklin, Wilberforce, Pitt, etc., etc. - would help.

Covers Burke’s political career. Shows some valiant battles and some poor ones. All in all, a balanced presentation. Draws a handsome portrait, nevertheless includes warts, blemishes along with the attractive. Well done.

Nevertheless, Morley provides insights that only someone from that era offers. Few (maybe none) modern writers can present the vision that died with Morley and his world.

I am glad can see, or at least glimpse, a world that disappeared.
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